Swaraj Party
Even after teh withdrawal of the Non-cooperation Movement, the Congress remained committed to the Council boycott programme. However, there was a section of influential Congressmen like C.R. Das, Motilal Nehru, Vithalbhai Patel and Madan Mohan Malaviya which was keen on contesting elections under the Act of 1919. They wanted to carry the fight against the British right into the legislative councils. C.R.Das as president of the Gaya session of the Congress in 1922, when Gandhi was in jail, pleaded very strongly in favour of council entry. But a majority of the Congress delegates led by C. Rajagopalachari passed a resolution against council entry. Consequently, Das resigned the presidentship and formed the Swaraj Party within the Congress. But hte debate continued between "the changers" led by Das and "no-changers" led by Rajagopalachari.
Meanwhile, the Swaraj Party contested elections in November 1923 and was very successful. After his release from jail, Gandhi found himself in a peculiar situation. He reached an understanding with the Swarajists on the condition the condition that elections will not be contested on the Congress tickets. At the same time, he asked the Congressmen to devote all their energies to mass contact through a four-fold constructive programme. This programme aimed at social reform, economic development, village reconstruction and communal harmony. The constructive work in villages also included anti-liquor campaign, social work among depressed classes and untouchables, relief work in emergencies like floods, promotion of Khadi and other cottage crafts and establishment of national schools.
Kakori Conspiracy Case
When Gandhi was busy with his rural constructive programme, the country witnessed the revival of revolutionary activities in Bengal and United Provinces. The result was the establishment of the Hindustan Republican Association at Kanpur in October 1924 under the inspiration of Chandrashekhar Azad. The aim of this association was to achieve independence through an armed struggle. It had its branches in Delhi, Punjab, Bihar, Madras, the United Provinces and several other places. Some of the other leading revolutionaries were Surya Sen, Bhupendranath Dutt, Hemchandra Kanungo, Tam Prasad Bismal, Ashfaqullah Khan, Rajendranath Lahri and Roshan Lal.
The members of the Hindustan Republican Association even went to the extent of looting government money in order to carry on their revolutionary activities. On 9th August 1925, for instance, these revolutionaries under the leadership of Ramprasad Bismal successfully derailed a train near Kakori railway station (United Provinces ) and looted the government treasury it was carrying. This incident is known as the Kakori Conspiracy Case. It was as a result of this case that Ramprasad Bismal =, Rajendranath Lahri and Ashfaqullla Khan were sentenced to death. All of them embraced the death happily for the national cause. Roshan Lal went to the gallows with a copy of the Gita in his hands and Bande Mataram on his lips. The last words of Ramprasad Vismal were: "I wish the downfall of the British empire".
Simon Commission
There was a virtual lull in the country's politics after the death of C.R.Das . However, the appointment of the Indian Statutory Commission in November 1927 under the chairmanship of John Simon broke this lull. Its stated objective was to examine the working of the Government of India Act of 1919 and suggest further measures to improve the Indian administration. All the members of this Commission were Englishmen. This all-white Commission is also known as the 'Simon Commission'.
The exclusion of the Indians from the membership of the Commission confirmed their doubt that the British Government was not interested in any substantial instalment of genuine constitutional reforms. They demanded that the Indian members in the British House of Commons like S.P.Sinha must be associated with the Commission. Their argument was that only the Indians knew the nature of their problem. But the British Government rejected the Indian demand. Instead, the Secretary of State for India, Lord Birkenhead, insulted the Indians. He said that the Indians were not competent to discuss constitutional issues or work out a constitutional framework acceptable to all sections of the society.
The Indian Response
The exclusion of Indians from the membership of the Commission and the Birekenhead's statement hurt badly the self-esteem of the Indian leadership. The result was that all the political parties and groups like the Congress, Jinnah's Muslim League, the Hindu Mahasabha and others declared that the Indians would not cooperate with the Simon Commission. They announced that they would oppose the Commission in all forms and at every stage. The Congress under the Presidentship of Dr. M. A. Ansari demanded complete independence in December 1927. However, the attitude of the Punjab Unionists led by Sikandar Hayat Khan, the Justice Party in the Madras Presidency and the Muslim League of Mohammad Shafi was somewhat different. Mohammad Shafi even decided to cooperate with the Commission. But it did not have any impact.
The Indians fully supported the boycott call and organised big protest all over India. When the Simon Commission reached Bombay on 3rd February 1928, the entire nation observed a hartal. The members of the Commission witnessed hartals and protest demonstrations on a large scale wherever they went. "Go back Simon " had become the watchword of the Indians everywhere.
The British Government adopted a policy of repression to crush the anti-Simon movement. Thousands of innocent and unarmed Indians were beaten by the police. The poice did not spare even the prominent nationalist leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Lala Lajpat Rai and Govind Ballabh Pant. They were mercilessly beaten. As a result, Lala Lajpat Rai died in Lahore and Govind Ballabh pant got crippled for life. Paying a glowing tribute to Lala Lajpat Rai, Gandhi said : "Men like Lalaji cannot die so long as the sun shines in the Indian sky".
The British repression and death of Lala Lajpat Rai on 17th November 1928 did not demoralise the Indians. On the contrary, they decided to give a new orientation to the freedom struggle. Revolutionaries like Sardar Bhagat Singh and Rajaguru even went to the extent of avenging the death of Lala Lajpat Rai and killed a British officer, John Saunders. Saunders was responsible for the lathi charge on the ailing Lala Lajpat Rai . Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Datta created an excitement in the country by throwing two bombs on the floor of the Central Assembly Hall in Delhi on 8th April 1929. The most important aspect as they wanted to remind the British authorities that the Indian youth will not allow them to sit in peace. The government filed a case against them. The case is known as the Lahore Conspiracy Case is also known for the hunger strike, which culminated into the death of Jatin Das on 13th September 1929 after 64 day-long fast. "Another name has been added to the long and splendid roll of Indian martyrs. Let us bow our heads and pray for strength to act to carry on the struggle, however long it may be and whatever consequences. till the victory is ours". This was what Jawaharlal Nehru said while commenting on the death of Jatin Das.
Nehru Committee Report
What the Indians did to oppose the Simon Commission and avenge the death of Lala Lajpat Rai was one of the two important aspects of the national movement after 1927. The other was their resolve to show that they knew how to work out a people centric and nation-oriented constitutional framework. And they did do that. They organised an All Party Conference, which took less than a year to come out with a remarkable constitutional document. Motilal Nehru was the chief draftsman of the report. Therefore, it is known as the Nehru Committee Report. It, among other things, provided for fundamental rights of the type we enjoy today. Besides, it demanded Dominion Status or self-rule of the kind as it existed in other British colonies like Canada and Australia. It also favoured adult franchise, independent judiciary and reorganization of provincial boundaries on a linguistic basis.
Parting of the Way
However, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, an important member of the All Party Conference, rejected the report. He did so on the ground that the report was silent on his demands. Thereafter, he joined the Mohammad Shafi group, which stood for two-nation theory . The Congress, the Hindu Mahasabha and other members of the All Party Conference regarded all the demands of Jinnah communal, divisive and harmful for the country.Some of the demands of Jinnah included one-third representation to the Muslims in the Central Assembly, representation to the Muslims in proportion to their population in Punjab and Bengal and creation of three new Muslim- majority provinces(Sind, Baluchistan and North-West Frontier Province). After December 1928, Jinnah adopted a course which was only to end in the partition of India and establishment of a separate Muslim state. In March 1929, he put forward his "Fourteen Points", known as "Jinnah Report". These reiterated the demands for new Muslim-majority provinces, full provincial autonomy and one-third representation to the Muslims at the Centre plus separate electorates for the Muslims. Aga Khan and Ali brothers gave their full support to Jinnah and promo-ted the politics of separatism.
Dominion Status and Subhas Chandra Bose
Meanwhile, the Congress held its annual session at Calcutta in December 1928. It was presided over by Motilal Nehru. The Congress accepted the Nehru Committee Report and asked the British to accept it in full. The Congress also warned the English government that it will demand Purna Swaraj (complete independence ) in case of its Dominion Status plea was not accepted within one year. But the British Government did not pay any heed to the Congress Suggestion and warning. How ever, this was not unexpected. Subhas Chandra Bose, who had opposed the Dominion Status goal in Calcutta and favoured independence, had already told the Congress that the British Government would not concede this demand without a struggle. In fact, he had moved and amendment for independence which had been defeated by a narrow margin.
Demand for Purna Swaraj
The failure of the British Government to give Dominion Status to India and several other developments in 1929 hardened the Congress attitude. Some of the most noteworthy developments were the arrest of Gandhi at Calcutta in March and labour unrest on a very large scale in places like Bombay, Calcutta and Jamshedpur. There were more than 200 strikes and lock-outs in that year involving no less than five lakh workers. Besides the Indians, especially the younger generation and leaders like Subhas Chandra Bose, Jawaharlal Nehru and Satyamurty had been demanding complete independence. It was under these circumstances that the Congress session was held at Lahore in December 1929. The session of the Congress was presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru.
The Congress under the Presidentship of Jawaharlal Nehru rejected the 1928 Dominion Status goal as a timid ideal. Instead, it demanded Purna swaraj. At mid-night on 31st December 1929, the national tri-colour was unfurled at the bank of river Ravi amidst the "Bande Mataram" and "Inquilab Zindabad" slogans. Besides, the nation was asked by the Congress to observe 26 January as Independence Day every year. Accordingly, on 26th January 1930, the whole country observed Independence Day with dedication and zeal. Ever since, 26th January has become a red-letter day for all of us.
The struggle for Purna Swaraj begun under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. His methods were non-violent, noble and effective. He knew the kind of problems his countrymen had been facing under the British rule. The Indians were also convinced that he alone could lead them aright and achieve freedom for India from the oppressive foreign rule.
Civil Disobedience Movement
The Civil Disobedience Movement started by the Congress under the leadership of Gandhi to achieve Purna Swaraj was different from the Non-cooperation Movement. Its goal and methods to achieve it were different. The goal this time was complete independence. It was to be achieved by breaking the law. Land revenue was also not to be paid to the government. Foreign goods too were to be boycotted. The freedom loving Indians were also to organize big protest, demonstrations or satyagrahas all over the country peacefully to show their resolve. In other words, the methods required the Indians to defy the government at all levels and make its functioning difficult and impossible.
The Dandi March
The Civil Disobedience Movement was actually started on 12th March 1930. It was on this day that Gandhi and 78 ashram members, including Sarojini Naidu, left Sabarmati in Ahmedabad for Dandi, a village on the Gujarat sea-coast to break the salt laws. This March is popularly known as 'Dandi March'. Gandhi and thousands of Indians, who had joined him during the course of the march, reached the sea on 6th April, Gandhi broke the salt laws the same day by making some salt from sea water. It was an illegal action. Making of salt was the government monopoly. Breaking the Salt Laws, Gandhi said : "Our cause is strong, our means the purest and God is with us. There is no defeat for Satyagrahis till they give up the truth".
The breaking of salt laws by Gandhi was followed by similar actions in differnt parts of India, where salt was being made. Salt Satyagraha became a very effective movement in the coastal areas of Cuttack, Puri and Balasore districts (Orissa). C. Rajagopalachari organized a march just like the Dandi March from Trichy to Vedaranyam on Tanjore Coast to break the salt laws. similar marches were organised in Guntur district by Konda Venkatapayya. In Malabar, such marches were organised by Kelappan, a Congress leader. All this changed the political atmosphere in India and the government got frightened.
People's Participation
The people, including women and teenagers, peasants and workers, the business community and the rich and the poor, all joined the movement. The participation of the tribals of the Central Provinces, Maharashtra, Bihar and Assam and of the hill people of Kangra in Punjab was equally significant. Largely attended protest demonstrations and complete hartals became order of the day. The Muslim League leaders and their followers did not take part in the movement.
The people did not pay taxes and land revenue to the government. There were several cases of public bonfire of foreign cloth and other goods. Thousands of women took part in picketing shops selling foreign cloth and liquor. Many of them also sold salt. The role played by such women organisations as Desh Sevika Sangh and Nari Satyagraha Samiti of Urmila Devi (Calcutta ) was very remarkable. People in different parts of India also clashed with the police. Some of these places were Calcutta, Madras and Karachi. The Pathan Muslims of North West Frontier Province (now in Pakistan) under Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, a disciple of Gandhi, Bengal revolutionaries under Surya Sen and the industrial workers in Sholapur made the things very difficult for the British. The role played by the Manipuri people in this regard was very significant Nagaland also produced a great heroine Rani Gaidilieu. She was just thirteen years of age when she joined the freedom struggle. The government arrested her in 1932 and sentenced her to life imprisonment . The people in South India, including Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka and Andhra participated in the movement in a big way.
The British Reaction
The British adopted ruthless measures to crush the movement. The peaceful Satyagrahis, including women and teenagers, were badly beaten by the police. At several places, the police opened fire. Several Indians died. Over 90,000 Indians were arrested. In Delhi alone, over 1500 women were arrested. The British did not spare even great leaders like Khan abdul Gaffar Khan, Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhabhai Patel. Other leaders like Rajagopalachari, Abbas Tayabji, Madan Mohan Malaviya, K. M. Munshi, Mahadev Desai, J. M. Sengupta and Vithalbhai Patel, were arrested and put behind the bars. Gandhi too was arrestd on 5th May 1930. In Peshawar, the army platoons opened fire on peaceful Pathans, killing several of them. The Hindu soldiers of the Garhwal Rifles under Chander Singh Garhwali, who refused to open fire on the unarmed Pathans, were disarmed and imprisoned. The British even used aerial bombardment to crush the followers of Abdul Gaffar Khan. In May, the British imposed Martial Law on Sholapur. So much so, the British confiscated the agricultural land, household goods and cattle of the peasants when they refused to pay land revenue and other taxes. But the British Government failed to crush the freedom struggle.
Communalization through Constitutional Process
When the Indians were going to the jail and facing lathi blows and bullets, the British Government through of a constitutional process which was aimed at reducing the whole freedom struggle to the level of negotiations between different conflicting interests. In fact, the basic aim of the British was to politicise the struggle for Indian freedom and treat the Congress as one of the several political parties and interests. It was in this background that the government convened a Round Table Conference in London in November 1930. It was to discuss the Indian issues and demands as well as the Simon Commission proposals. The Congress, which represented a vast majority of the Indian population, boycotted this Conference.
Gandhi-Irwin Pact
This British Government was fully aware that the Indians will accept only those reforms which were acceptable to the Congress. It also recognized that the Congress cooperation was necessary that the Congress cooperation was necessary to restore peace in India. Therefore, Lord Irwin, Governor-General of India, made serious efforts in early 1931 to ensure the Congress participation in the Second Round Table Conference. It was a strategic move to trap Gandhi and snatch from his hands the whole political initiative. As a result, Gandhi-Irwin Pact was signed. According to this Pact, the government was to release all the political prisoners who had not taken to violent methods during the Civil Disobedience Movement. This pact also required the Congress to suspend the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Consequently, the Congress agreed to take part in the Second Round Table Conference. It persuaded Mahatma Gandhi to go to London and participate in the Conference. It was a one-man delegation. This Conference, like the First Round Table Conference, ended in a deadlock. The main reason was the demand of the Muslims, the Anglo-Indians, the Europeans, the Indian Christians and the depressed castes in favour of separate electorates. All these groups had come together in a 'minority pact' for joint action. Gandhi tried his best to persuade these groups not to make constitutional advance conditional on a solution to the communal problem, but did not succeed. Hence, Gandhi returned to India and revived the Civil Disobedience Movement. To crush the movement, the British Government again took recourse to very cruel methods.The police inflicted all kinds of cruelties on the Indians. The police repression was directed against all without any exception. The government arrested Gandhi and other popular leaders.
The Communal Award of 1932
On 16th August 1932, the British Prime Minister announced his Communal Award. It not only provided communal electorates for the Muslims and the Sikhs, but also for the members of the depressed communities Gandhi and the Congress condemned this Award as a sinister plan worked out to weaken the freedom struggle. He was of the view that the Communal Award was designed to destroy the Indian society and play the Hindus against the Muslims. Gandhi, who was in Yervada jail that time, started and indefinite fast on 20th September 1932, to force the British Prime Minister to withdraw that part of the part of the Award which was applicable to the depressed communities.
The action of Gandhi created a commotion throughout the country. The people got extremely worried for their great leader. Madan Mohan Malaviya and others approached B. R. Ambedkar, who happened to be a signatory to the 'minority pact', and asked him not to press his demand for separate electorates for the depressed communities. And, Ambedkar agreed . This led to the signing of the Poona Pact on 25th September 1932. It recommended joint electorates with reserved seats for the members of the depressed communities. The British accepted it and Gandhi broke his fast. In the meanwhile, the Third Round Table Conference was held in London in November 1932, but again with no concrete results. The Congress did not take part in the third and final Round Table Conference.
Indians : The Sole Factor
The Civil Disobedience Movement continued for some more time and was finally withdrawn in 1934. Though the Congress could not achieve the stated goal, it did succeed in arousing nationalism. In fact, it led to national upsurge all over the country. The same year the Congress adopted a significant resolution asking the British Government to set up a Constituent Assembly elected on an adult franchise. The resolution made it clear that the Indians alone had the right to decide the form of government under which they would like to shape their destiny.
Revolutionary Activities
The period of Civil Disobedience Movement witnessed several daring feats performed by the revolutionaries, including women revolutionaries, in different parts of India. They were restless to adopt a short-cut to freedom.They took to the path of armed struggle and many local groups emerged in United Provinces, Punjab and Bengal. Chandrashekhar Azad, along with other revolutionaries, made an attempt to blow up the special train of the Viceroy near Delhi, in December 1929 but failed. Ultimately, he sacrificed his life at the altar of the country on 27th February 1931. He was pierced with bullets in a park at Allahabad. The news of his martyrdom sent a shock wave throughout the country.
The revolutionaries led by Surya Sen thrilled the whole country on 18th April 1930 by raiding the port of Chittangong and seizing the local armoury. They raised the slogan of " Gandhiji's Raj has come" . Several revolutionaries, including brave women like Pritilata Wadedar and Kalpana Dutt, were with Surya Sen. However, the counter-attack by the British neutralised the Chittagong coup and resulted in the martyrdom of 12 revolutionaries on 22nd April 1930.
The Chittagong incident was followed by a series of attacks and murders of leading Englishmen in Bengal. The leading role in this regard was played by Binay Krishna Boose, Badal and Dinesh. On 8th December 1930, they raided the government headquarters in the Writers' Building, Calcutta and shot at Colonel Simpson. Convince that it was impossible to escape, Bose and Badal shot themselves dead. Dinesh did manage to escape. Ultimately, he too was apprehended and executed. The European Club in Chittagong was attacked with bomb and pistols on 22nd September 1932, by revolutionaries led by Pritilata Wadedar . During the attack, she got injured. Immediately thereafter, she killed herself to avoid arrest. Surya Sen, who was still at large, was finally arrested in February 1933 and hanged . In between, he had, in collaboration with his associates like Nirmal Sen and Apurba Sen, shot dead Captain Cameron.
The revolutionaries like Joti Jibon Ghose, Bimal Dasgupta, Pradyut Kumar Bhattachary and Probhansu Pal killed several leading Englishmen. The school girls like Suniti Chowdhury and Santi Ghose also did not lag behind. They shot dead District Magistrate of Tripura, Stevens. Another valiant girl, Bina Das, made an abortive attempt on the life of he Bengal Governor, Stanley Jackson, in the Calcutta Univesity in 1932. All these activities, including the murder of the former Punjab Lt. Governor Sir Michael O'Dwyer by Udham Singh in London on 13th March 1940 alarmed the authorities. At the same time, these activities inspired many an Indian to lay down their lives for the cause of the country.
The period after 1930 also witnessed the growth of trade union and peasant activities. One of the major developments of the peasant activities was the formation of the first ever all India peasant organisation in 1936 under the persidentship of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati. It was called the All-India Kissan Sabha. Trade Unions too were established in different cities and towns.
The States People's Movements
You will be surprised to know that there were virtually two Indians during the period of your study. One was under the direct rule of the British. It was called British India. The other was ruled by the Indian princes and nawabs. It was known as princely states. There were about 560 big and small princely states. The British Government could interfere in the day-to-day working of these states. All these princes worked under the indirect control of their British masters and the English Political Residents. So much so, the British Government used them to weaken the democratic forces and freedom struggle that was going on in British India. There were many princes who willingly joined hands with the British in order to check the pro-independence and pro-democracy movements in British India. Their main aim was to protect and advance their own personal interests and rule over the people in despotic ways.
The social, economic and political life of the people in princely states was very miserable. It was even worse in many ways when we compare it with the one enjoyed by the people in British India. The people in most of the princely states did not have civil and democratic rights. They had no say in the political and economic matters. The press did not enjoy freedom. The people could not organise public meetings to discuss political and other issues concerning their well-being. Justice was denied to them. Educational facilities were available on a very limited scale. Jammu and Kashmir, Travancore, Baroda and Mysore were perhaps the only states where a few steps were taken by the princes to improve the social, economic and political life of the people. For example, the princes of these states used to spend substantial amount for the promotion of education among the masses. The system of administration of justice too was reorganised by them and the people were given the right to seek justice. The ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, Hari Singh, even passed a few Acts to improve the life and status of the peasantry and weaker sections. These Acts also laid down that no court shall discriminate between man and man on the ground of caste or creed.
Congress and Princely India
It is important to note that the Congress did not take any serious interest in princely states until 1938. Nor did it ever try to take up the problems being faced by the people residing there. It was only in 1938 that the Congress under Subhas Chandra Bose declared that it was fighting for the fighting for the independence of the entire country and not just British India. The Congress took another step in 1939, where Jawaharlal Nehru became the President of the All-India states People's Conference. He practically endorsed the Bose line. These steps thus brought princely states under the direct influence of the Congress. The result was that the pro-people movements already going on in different parts of princely states since 1920 gained more momentum and the freedom struggle became stronger.
Some of the popular leaders and public-spirited persons, who had played and important role in princely states, were Sewa Singh (Punjab), Sarangadhar Das (Orissa), Balwant Rai Mehta and Vijay Jamnalal Bajaj (Gujrat) and Manikya Lal Verma and Vijay Singh Pathak (Rajasthan), and Ramananda Tirtha (Hyderabad). These and several others with mass appeal were responsible for the establishment of Praja Mandals and demanded civil liberties and responsible government in their states. The formation of the All-India States People's Conference in 1927 was also the result of their efforts. The chief objective of all these organisations was to obtain for the people rule of law and democracy and integrate princely states fully with India. These movements led to political consciousness and created a new spirit of unity among the people of the states.
Constitutional Development
You have already read that the British Government had held three Round Table Conferences to break the political deadlock in India, but had failed. Thereafter, the British Prime Minister had announce certain proposals regarding the constitutional reforms in India.The Indians rejected all these proposals as anti-people and anti-democracy. On the contrary, the Indian leaders demanded the setting up of a Constituent Assembly elected on an adult franchise. They declared that they will accept only that constitution which was framed by the Indian Constituent Assembly.
The 1935 Act
However, the Indian political parties were not one as far as their views on the country's future structure of government were concerned.The Muslim League wanted a weak Center and acceptance of its communal demands. The Congress stood for strong Centre and secular polity. The British Government exploited these contradictions in the political views of he Congress and the League. In March 1933, it issued a White paper containing certain proposals regarding the constitutional reforms in India. It also set up a joint Parliamentary Committee to go into the whole constitutional issue. This Committee was to suggest a reform scheme for India. But the scheme it recommended was worse. It was aimed at strengthening the British hold over India and denying the Indians their fundamental political and democratic rights.
Naturally, the Indian criticised the scheme as recommended by this Committee. They demanded a constitution that could empower them to shape and control fully their political and economic future. But the British Government did not care for the Indian sentiments. Instead, it passed and Act, called the Government of India Act of 1935. The Act came into force on 1st April 1937 and it was basically based on the schemes the Indian leadership had already rejected. This shows how indifferent the British Government was to the Indian needs.
False Claims
The British Government asserted that the 1935 Act was a great step forward as far as the empowerment of the Indians was concerned. For instance, it said that the Act provided for provincial autonomy and federalisation of the Indian polity. This was s false claim. The fact was that the 1935 Act, like the earlier Acts, invested the provincial governors with veto powers in sphers political and economic. They could override the majority or views of the elected assemblies and implement their own ideas aimed at promoting the British interests. On the contrary, the elected assemblies were unreal and ineffective for all practical purposes. They were so weak that they could not formulate policies according to the needs of the people. The ministers could give advice, but their views could be rejected. In addition, the governors could take over the administration of provinces under Section 93 of the 1935 Act.
Similarly, the scheme of federation as laid down by the Act was the negation of the very idea of federation . While the British India had no choice but to become part of the proposed federation, the princely states had the option to join or not to join it. Moreover, the whole scheme had been worked out to play the princes against the democratic forces in British India and harm the freedom struggle.
It was under these circumstances that the Congress and the League rejected outright the 1935 Act. Significantly, however, both the parties contested the 1937 elections to the provincial assemblies held under this Act. The Congress made it clear in the beginning that it was contesting elections not to seek power or office. It declared that its sole aim was to obtain a popular mandate against what Jawaharlal Nehru had described as "a charter of slavery". In other words, it stated that it will use the people's mandate to force the British Government to withdraw the 1935 Act. Further, the Federal part of the Constitution never came into effect as the princes did not join it.
Elections, Congress and The League
The Congress won an absolute majority in five of the eleven British Indian Provinces. In four provinces, it emerges as a single largest party. The performance of the Muslim League, which always claimed that it represented the will of the Indian Muslims, was extremely poor . It won only 109 of the 482 seats allotted to the Muslims. Its defeat in the Muslim-majority provinces like North-West Frontier Province,Sind, Bengal and Punjab was even more humiliating. These elections proved that a vast majority of the Muslims was opposed to the Muslim League. These also showed that in the Muslim-majority provinces leaders like Allah Bakash (Sind) , Sikandar Hayat KIhan (Punjab), Fazlul Haq(Bengal),Abdul Gaffar Khan (North-West Frontier province) Sadullah Khan(Assam were the actual Muslim leaders.
The Congress honoured its word given at the time of elections and refused to form ministries in the provinces. Later, however, it formed ministries in nine provinces. It did so after obtaining an assurance from the Governor-General of India that Provincial Governors will not interfere in the day-to-day administration. In Bengal and Punjab, non-Congress ministries functioned. The parties, which formed the governments in these provinces, were the Krishak Praja Party and the Unionist Party, respectively.
Though the Congress ministries failed to introduce radical changes, they did try to improve the life of the people. The Congress governments removed restrictions on the press and permitted peasant organisations and trade unions to function freely. In addition, they enacted agrarian legislation, undertook measures to uplift the depressed classes and promoted education. They also paid attention to village and modern industries.
It is important to note that the Muslim League did not like the formation of the Congress-led ministries. Its basic objection was that the Congress had ignored the Muslim League legislators while forming governments in the provinces. Jinnah found himself in wilderness. His League tried desperately to form a coalition ministry with the Congress in United Provinces. But the Congress conditions were not acceptable to it. This became a turning point for Jinnah, He entered into a secret correspondence with Sir Mohammad Iqbal, a poet, and decided to openly adopt the plank of Muslim separatism. Jinnah called the Muslim League session in 1937 at Lucknow, where he dubbed the Congress rule as the Hindu rule and denounced the Congress as a fascist party. He also dubbed Mahatma Gandhi as a Hindu revivalist. It was at this session that the Muslims were exhorted not to sing Bande Mataram.
True to his words Jinnah unleashed a vigrous propaganda against the Congress governments and levelled wild charges against them. The Muslim League also published a few documents containing details of atrocities allegedly committed by the Hindus on the Muslims and serious charges against the Congress governments. When leading Congress leaders like Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr. Rajendra Prasad challenged Jinnah and his Muslim League to prove their charges, they did not come forward. Instead, Jinnah declared that he was convinced that the Muslims could neither expect justice nor fair play under the Hindu-dominated Congress governments. He also started preaching two-nation theory with renewed vigour. His whole objective was to inflame communal feelings among the Muslims and prepare the ground for separation.
Even after teh withdrawal of the Non-cooperation Movement, the Congress remained committed to the Council boycott programme. However, there was a section of influential Congressmen like C.R. Das, Motilal Nehru, Vithalbhai Patel and Madan Mohan Malaviya which was keen on contesting elections under the Act of 1919. They wanted to carry the fight against the British right into the legislative councils. C.R.Das as president of the Gaya session of the Congress in 1922, when Gandhi was in jail, pleaded very strongly in favour of council entry. But a majority of the Congress delegates led by C. Rajagopalachari passed a resolution against council entry. Consequently, Das resigned the presidentship and formed the Swaraj Party within the Congress. But hte debate continued between "the changers" led by Das and "no-changers" led by Rajagopalachari.
Meanwhile, the Swaraj Party contested elections in November 1923 and was very successful. After his release from jail, Gandhi found himself in a peculiar situation. He reached an understanding with the Swarajists on the condition the condition that elections will not be contested on the Congress tickets. At the same time, he asked the Congressmen to devote all their energies to mass contact through a four-fold constructive programme. This programme aimed at social reform, economic development, village reconstruction and communal harmony. The constructive work in villages also included anti-liquor campaign, social work among depressed classes and untouchables, relief work in emergencies like floods, promotion of Khadi and other cottage crafts and establishment of national schools.
Kakori Conspiracy Case
When Gandhi was busy with his rural constructive programme, the country witnessed the revival of revolutionary activities in Bengal and United Provinces. The result was the establishment of the Hindustan Republican Association at Kanpur in October 1924 under the inspiration of Chandrashekhar Azad. The aim of this association was to achieve independence through an armed struggle. It had its branches in Delhi, Punjab, Bihar, Madras, the United Provinces and several other places. Some of the other leading revolutionaries were Surya Sen, Bhupendranath Dutt, Hemchandra Kanungo, Tam Prasad Bismal, Ashfaqullah Khan, Rajendranath Lahri and Roshan Lal.
The members of the Hindustan Republican Association even went to the extent of looting government money in order to carry on their revolutionary activities. On 9th August 1925, for instance, these revolutionaries under the leadership of Ramprasad Bismal successfully derailed a train near Kakori railway station (United Provinces ) and looted the government treasury it was carrying. This incident is known as the Kakori Conspiracy Case. It was as a result of this case that Ramprasad Bismal =, Rajendranath Lahri and Ashfaqullla Khan were sentenced to death. All of them embraced the death happily for the national cause. Roshan Lal went to the gallows with a copy of the Gita in his hands and Bande Mataram on his lips. The last words of Ramprasad Vismal were: "I wish the downfall of the British empire".
Simon Commission
There was a virtual lull in the country's politics after the death of C.R.Das . However, the appointment of the Indian Statutory Commission in November 1927 under the chairmanship of John Simon broke this lull. Its stated objective was to examine the working of the Government of India Act of 1919 and suggest further measures to improve the Indian administration. All the members of this Commission were Englishmen. This all-white Commission is also known as the 'Simon Commission'.
The exclusion of the Indians from the membership of the Commission confirmed their doubt that the British Government was not interested in any substantial instalment of genuine constitutional reforms. They demanded that the Indian members in the British House of Commons like S.P.Sinha must be associated with the Commission. Their argument was that only the Indians knew the nature of their problem. But the British Government rejected the Indian demand. Instead, the Secretary of State for India, Lord Birkenhead, insulted the Indians. He said that the Indians were not competent to discuss constitutional issues or work out a constitutional framework acceptable to all sections of the society.
The Indian Response
The exclusion of Indians from the membership of the Commission and the Birekenhead's statement hurt badly the self-esteem of the Indian leadership. The result was that all the political parties and groups like the Congress, Jinnah's Muslim League, the Hindu Mahasabha and others declared that the Indians would not cooperate with the Simon Commission. They announced that they would oppose the Commission in all forms and at every stage. The Congress under the Presidentship of Dr. M. A. Ansari demanded complete independence in December 1927. However, the attitude of the Punjab Unionists led by Sikandar Hayat Khan, the Justice Party in the Madras Presidency and the Muslim League of Mohammad Shafi was somewhat different. Mohammad Shafi even decided to cooperate with the Commission. But it did not have any impact.
The Indians fully supported the boycott call and organised big protest all over India. When the Simon Commission reached Bombay on 3rd February 1928, the entire nation observed a hartal. The members of the Commission witnessed hartals and protest demonstrations on a large scale wherever they went. "Go back Simon " had become the watchword of the Indians everywhere.
The British Government adopted a policy of repression to crush the anti-Simon movement. Thousands of innocent and unarmed Indians were beaten by the police. The poice did not spare even the prominent nationalist leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Lala Lajpat Rai and Govind Ballabh Pant. They were mercilessly beaten. As a result, Lala Lajpat Rai died in Lahore and Govind Ballabh pant got crippled for life. Paying a glowing tribute to Lala Lajpat Rai, Gandhi said : "Men like Lalaji cannot die so long as the sun shines in the Indian sky".
The British repression and death of Lala Lajpat Rai on 17th November 1928 did not demoralise the Indians. On the contrary, they decided to give a new orientation to the freedom struggle. Revolutionaries like Sardar Bhagat Singh and Rajaguru even went to the extent of avenging the death of Lala Lajpat Rai and killed a British officer, John Saunders. Saunders was responsible for the lathi charge on the ailing Lala Lajpat Rai . Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Datta created an excitement in the country by throwing two bombs on the floor of the Central Assembly Hall in Delhi on 8th April 1929. The most important aspect as they wanted to remind the British authorities that the Indian youth will not allow them to sit in peace. The government filed a case against them. The case is known as the Lahore Conspiracy Case is also known for the hunger strike, which culminated into the death of Jatin Das on 13th September 1929 after 64 day-long fast. "Another name has been added to the long and splendid roll of Indian martyrs. Let us bow our heads and pray for strength to act to carry on the struggle, however long it may be and whatever consequences. till the victory is ours". This was what Jawaharlal Nehru said while commenting on the death of Jatin Das.
Nehru Committee Report
What the Indians did to oppose the Simon Commission and avenge the death of Lala Lajpat Rai was one of the two important aspects of the national movement after 1927. The other was their resolve to show that they knew how to work out a people centric and nation-oriented constitutional framework. And they did do that. They organised an All Party Conference, which took less than a year to come out with a remarkable constitutional document. Motilal Nehru was the chief draftsman of the report. Therefore, it is known as the Nehru Committee Report. It, among other things, provided for fundamental rights of the type we enjoy today. Besides, it demanded Dominion Status or self-rule of the kind as it existed in other British colonies like Canada and Australia. It also favoured adult franchise, independent judiciary and reorganization of provincial boundaries on a linguistic basis.
Parting of the Way
However, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, an important member of the All Party Conference, rejected the report. He did so on the ground that the report was silent on his demands. Thereafter, he joined the Mohammad Shafi group, which stood for two-nation theory . The Congress, the Hindu Mahasabha and other members of the All Party Conference regarded all the demands of Jinnah communal, divisive and harmful for the country.Some of the demands of Jinnah included one-third representation to the Muslims in the Central Assembly, representation to the Muslims in proportion to their population in Punjab and Bengal and creation of three new Muslim- majority provinces(Sind, Baluchistan and North-West Frontier Province). After December 1928, Jinnah adopted a course which was only to end in the partition of India and establishment of a separate Muslim state. In March 1929, he put forward his "Fourteen Points", known as "Jinnah Report". These reiterated the demands for new Muslim-majority provinces, full provincial autonomy and one-third representation to the Muslims at the Centre plus separate electorates for the Muslims. Aga Khan and Ali brothers gave their full support to Jinnah and promo-ted the politics of separatism.
Dominion Status and Subhas Chandra Bose
Meanwhile, the Congress held its annual session at Calcutta in December 1928. It was presided over by Motilal Nehru. The Congress accepted the Nehru Committee Report and asked the British to accept it in full. The Congress also warned the English government that it will demand Purna Swaraj (complete independence ) in case of its Dominion Status plea was not accepted within one year. But the British Government did not pay any heed to the Congress Suggestion and warning. How ever, this was not unexpected. Subhas Chandra Bose, who had opposed the Dominion Status goal in Calcutta and favoured independence, had already told the Congress that the British Government would not concede this demand without a struggle. In fact, he had moved and amendment for independence which had been defeated by a narrow margin.
Demand for Purna Swaraj
The failure of the British Government to give Dominion Status to India and several other developments in 1929 hardened the Congress attitude. Some of the most noteworthy developments were the arrest of Gandhi at Calcutta in March and labour unrest on a very large scale in places like Bombay, Calcutta and Jamshedpur. There were more than 200 strikes and lock-outs in that year involving no less than five lakh workers. Besides the Indians, especially the younger generation and leaders like Subhas Chandra Bose, Jawaharlal Nehru and Satyamurty had been demanding complete independence. It was under these circumstances that the Congress session was held at Lahore in December 1929. The session of the Congress was presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru.
The Congress under the Presidentship of Jawaharlal Nehru rejected the 1928 Dominion Status goal as a timid ideal. Instead, it demanded Purna swaraj. At mid-night on 31st December 1929, the national tri-colour was unfurled at the bank of river Ravi amidst the "Bande Mataram" and "Inquilab Zindabad" slogans. Besides, the nation was asked by the Congress to observe 26 January as Independence Day every year. Accordingly, on 26th January 1930, the whole country observed Independence Day with dedication and zeal. Ever since, 26th January has become a red-letter day for all of us.
The struggle for Purna Swaraj begun under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. His methods were non-violent, noble and effective. He knew the kind of problems his countrymen had been facing under the British rule. The Indians were also convinced that he alone could lead them aright and achieve freedom for India from the oppressive foreign rule.
Civil Disobedience Movement
The Civil Disobedience Movement started by the Congress under the leadership of Gandhi to achieve Purna Swaraj was different from the Non-cooperation Movement. Its goal and methods to achieve it were different. The goal this time was complete independence. It was to be achieved by breaking the law. Land revenue was also not to be paid to the government. Foreign goods too were to be boycotted. The freedom loving Indians were also to organize big protest, demonstrations or satyagrahas all over the country peacefully to show their resolve. In other words, the methods required the Indians to defy the government at all levels and make its functioning difficult and impossible.
The Dandi March
The Civil Disobedience Movement was actually started on 12th March 1930. It was on this day that Gandhi and 78 ashram members, including Sarojini Naidu, left Sabarmati in Ahmedabad for Dandi, a village on the Gujarat sea-coast to break the salt laws. This March is popularly known as 'Dandi March'. Gandhi and thousands of Indians, who had joined him during the course of the march, reached the sea on 6th April, Gandhi broke the salt laws the same day by making some salt from sea water. It was an illegal action. Making of salt was the government monopoly. Breaking the Salt Laws, Gandhi said : "Our cause is strong, our means the purest and God is with us. There is no defeat for Satyagrahis till they give up the truth".
The breaking of salt laws by Gandhi was followed by similar actions in differnt parts of India, where salt was being made. Salt Satyagraha became a very effective movement in the coastal areas of Cuttack, Puri and Balasore districts (Orissa). C. Rajagopalachari organized a march just like the Dandi March from Trichy to Vedaranyam on Tanjore Coast to break the salt laws. similar marches were organised in Guntur district by Konda Venkatapayya. In Malabar, such marches were organised by Kelappan, a Congress leader. All this changed the political atmosphere in India and the government got frightened.
People's Participation
The people, including women and teenagers, peasants and workers, the business community and the rich and the poor, all joined the movement. The participation of the tribals of the Central Provinces, Maharashtra, Bihar and Assam and of the hill people of Kangra in Punjab was equally significant. Largely attended protest demonstrations and complete hartals became order of the day. The Muslim League leaders and their followers did not take part in the movement.
The people did not pay taxes and land revenue to the government. There were several cases of public bonfire of foreign cloth and other goods. Thousands of women took part in picketing shops selling foreign cloth and liquor. Many of them also sold salt. The role played by such women organisations as Desh Sevika Sangh and Nari Satyagraha Samiti of Urmila Devi (Calcutta ) was very remarkable. People in different parts of India also clashed with the police. Some of these places were Calcutta, Madras and Karachi. The Pathan Muslims of North West Frontier Province (now in Pakistan) under Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, a disciple of Gandhi, Bengal revolutionaries under Surya Sen and the industrial workers in Sholapur made the things very difficult for the British. The role played by the Manipuri people in this regard was very significant Nagaland also produced a great heroine Rani Gaidilieu. She was just thirteen years of age when she joined the freedom struggle. The government arrested her in 1932 and sentenced her to life imprisonment . The people in South India, including Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka and Andhra participated in the movement in a big way.
The British Reaction
The British adopted ruthless measures to crush the movement. The peaceful Satyagrahis, including women and teenagers, were badly beaten by the police. At several places, the police opened fire. Several Indians died. Over 90,000 Indians were arrested. In Delhi alone, over 1500 women were arrested. The British did not spare even great leaders like Khan abdul Gaffar Khan, Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhabhai Patel. Other leaders like Rajagopalachari, Abbas Tayabji, Madan Mohan Malaviya, K. M. Munshi, Mahadev Desai, J. M. Sengupta and Vithalbhai Patel, were arrested and put behind the bars. Gandhi too was arrestd on 5th May 1930. In Peshawar, the army platoons opened fire on peaceful Pathans, killing several of them. The Hindu soldiers of the Garhwal Rifles under Chander Singh Garhwali, who refused to open fire on the unarmed Pathans, were disarmed and imprisoned. The British even used aerial bombardment to crush the followers of Abdul Gaffar Khan. In May, the British imposed Martial Law on Sholapur. So much so, the British confiscated the agricultural land, household goods and cattle of the peasants when they refused to pay land revenue and other taxes. But the British Government failed to crush the freedom struggle.
Communalization through Constitutional Process
When the Indians were going to the jail and facing lathi blows and bullets, the British Government through of a constitutional process which was aimed at reducing the whole freedom struggle to the level of negotiations between different conflicting interests. In fact, the basic aim of the British was to politicise the struggle for Indian freedom and treat the Congress as one of the several political parties and interests. It was in this background that the government convened a Round Table Conference in London in November 1930. It was to discuss the Indian issues and demands as well as the Simon Commission proposals. The Congress, which represented a vast majority of the Indian population, boycotted this Conference.
Gandhi-Irwin Pact
This British Government was fully aware that the Indians will accept only those reforms which were acceptable to the Congress. It also recognized that the Congress cooperation was necessary that the Congress cooperation was necessary to restore peace in India. Therefore, Lord Irwin, Governor-General of India, made serious efforts in early 1931 to ensure the Congress participation in the Second Round Table Conference. It was a strategic move to trap Gandhi and snatch from his hands the whole political initiative. As a result, Gandhi-Irwin Pact was signed. According to this Pact, the government was to release all the political prisoners who had not taken to violent methods during the Civil Disobedience Movement. This pact also required the Congress to suspend the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Consequently, the Congress agreed to take part in the Second Round Table Conference. It persuaded Mahatma Gandhi to go to London and participate in the Conference. It was a one-man delegation. This Conference, like the First Round Table Conference, ended in a deadlock. The main reason was the demand of the Muslims, the Anglo-Indians, the Europeans, the Indian Christians and the depressed castes in favour of separate electorates. All these groups had come together in a 'minority pact' for joint action. Gandhi tried his best to persuade these groups not to make constitutional advance conditional on a solution to the communal problem, but did not succeed. Hence, Gandhi returned to India and revived the Civil Disobedience Movement. To crush the movement, the British Government again took recourse to very cruel methods.The police inflicted all kinds of cruelties on the Indians. The police repression was directed against all without any exception. The government arrested Gandhi and other popular leaders.
The Communal Award of 1932
On 16th August 1932, the British Prime Minister announced his Communal Award. It not only provided communal electorates for the Muslims and the Sikhs, but also for the members of the depressed communities Gandhi and the Congress condemned this Award as a sinister plan worked out to weaken the freedom struggle. He was of the view that the Communal Award was designed to destroy the Indian society and play the Hindus against the Muslims. Gandhi, who was in Yervada jail that time, started and indefinite fast on 20th September 1932, to force the British Prime Minister to withdraw that part of the part of the Award which was applicable to the depressed communities.
The action of Gandhi created a commotion throughout the country. The people got extremely worried for their great leader. Madan Mohan Malaviya and others approached B. R. Ambedkar, who happened to be a signatory to the 'minority pact', and asked him not to press his demand for separate electorates for the depressed communities. And, Ambedkar agreed . This led to the signing of the Poona Pact on 25th September 1932. It recommended joint electorates with reserved seats for the members of the depressed communities. The British accepted it and Gandhi broke his fast. In the meanwhile, the Third Round Table Conference was held in London in November 1932, but again with no concrete results. The Congress did not take part in the third and final Round Table Conference.
Indians : The Sole Factor
The Civil Disobedience Movement continued for some more time and was finally withdrawn in 1934. Though the Congress could not achieve the stated goal, it did succeed in arousing nationalism. In fact, it led to national upsurge all over the country. The same year the Congress adopted a significant resolution asking the British Government to set up a Constituent Assembly elected on an adult franchise. The resolution made it clear that the Indians alone had the right to decide the form of government under which they would like to shape their destiny.
Revolutionary Activities
The period of Civil Disobedience Movement witnessed several daring feats performed by the revolutionaries, including women revolutionaries, in different parts of India. They were restless to adopt a short-cut to freedom.They took to the path of armed struggle and many local groups emerged in United Provinces, Punjab and Bengal. Chandrashekhar Azad, along with other revolutionaries, made an attempt to blow up the special train of the Viceroy near Delhi, in December 1929 but failed. Ultimately, he sacrificed his life at the altar of the country on 27th February 1931. He was pierced with bullets in a park at Allahabad. The news of his martyrdom sent a shock wave throughout the country.
The revolutionaries led by Surya Sen thrilled the whole country on 18th April 1930 by raiding the port of Chittangong and seizing the local armoury. They raised the slogan of " Gandhiji's Raj has come" . Several revolutionaries, including brave women like Pritilata Wadedar and Kalpana Dutt, were with Surya Sen. However, the counter-attack by the British neutralised the Chittagong coup and resulted in the martyrdom of 12 revolutionaries on 22nd April 1930.
The Chittagong incident was followed by a series of attacks and murders of leading Englishmen in Bengal. The leading role in this regard was played by Binay Krishna Boose, Badal and Dinesh. On 8th December 1930, they raided the government headquarters in the Writers' Building, Calcutta and shot at Colonel Simpson. Convince that it was impossible to escape, Bose and Badal shot themselves dead. Dinesh did manage to escape. Ultimately, he too was apprehended and executed. The European Club in Chittagong was attacked with bomb and pistols on 22nd September 1932, by revolutionaries led by Pritilata Wadedar . During the attack, she got injured. Immediately thereafter, she killed herself to avoid arrest. Surya Sen, who was still at large, was finally arrested in February 1933 and hanged . In between, he had, in collaboration with his associates like Nirmal Sen and Apurba Sen, shot dead Captain Cameron.
The revolutionaries like Joti Jibon Ghose, Bimal Dasgupta, Pradyut Kumar Bhattachary and Probhansu Pal killed several leading Englishmen. The school girls like Suniti Chowdhury and Santi Ghose also did not lag behind. They shot dead District Magistrate of Tripura, Stevens. Another valiant girl, Bina Das, made an abortive attempt on the life of he Bengal Governor, Stanley Jackson, in the Calcutta Univesity in 1932. All these activities, including the murder of the former Punjab Lt. Governor Sir Michael O'Dwyer by Udham Singh in London on 13th March 1940 alarmed the authorities. At the same time, these activities inspired many an Indian to lay down their lives for the cause of the country.
The period after 1930 also witnessed the growth of trade union and peasant activities. One of the major developments of the peasant activities was the formation of the first ever all India peasant organisation in 1936 under the persidentship of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati. It was called the All-India Kissan Sabha. Trade Unions too were established in different cities and towns.
The States People's Movements
You will be surprised to know that there were virtually two Indians during the period of your study. One was under the direct rule of the British. It was called British India. The other was ruled by the Indian princes and nawabs. It was known as princely states. There were about 560 big and small princely states. The British Government could interfere in the day-to-day working of these states. All these princes worked under the indirect control of their British masters and the English Political Residents. So much so, the British Government used them to weaken the democratic forces and freedom struggle that was going on in British India. There were many princes who willingly joined hands with the British in order to check the pro-independence and pro-democracy movements in British India. Their main aim was to protect and advance their own personal interests and rule over the people in despotic ways.
The social, economic and political life of the people in princely states was very miserable. It was even worse in many ways when we compare it with the one enjoyed by the people in British India. The people in most of the princely states did not have civil and democratic rights. They had no say in the political and economic matters. The press did not enjoy freedom. The people could not organise public meetings to discuss political and other issues concerning their well-being. Justice was denied to them. Educational facilities were available on a very limited scale. Jammu and Kashmir, Travancore, Baroda and Mysore were perhaps the only states where a few steps were taken by the princes to improve the social, economic and political life of the people. For example, the princes of these states used to spend substantial amount for the promotion of education among the masses. The system of administration of justice too was reorganised by them and the people were given the right to seek justice. The ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, Hari Singh, even passed a few Acts to improve the life and status of the peasantry and weaker sections. These Acts also laid down that no court shall discriminate between man and man on the ground of caste or creed.
Congress and Princely India
It is important to note that the Congress did not take any serious interest in princely states until 1938. Nor did it ever try to take up the problems being faced by the people residing there. It was only in 1938 that the Congress under Subhas Chandra Bose declared that it was fighting for the fighting for the independence of the entire country and not just British India. The Congress took another step in 1939, where Jawaharlal Nehru became the President of the All-India states People's Conference. He practically endorsed the Bose line. These steps thus brought princely states under the direct influence of the Congress. The result was that the pro-people movements already going on in different parts of princely states since 1920 gained more momentum and the freedom struggle became stronger.
Some of the popular leaders and public-spirited persons, who had played and important role in princely states, were Sewa Singh (Punjab), Sarangadhar Das (Orissa), Balwant Rai Mehta and Vijay Jamnalal Bajaj (Gujrat) and Manikya Lal Verma and Vijay Singh Pathak (Rajasthan), and Ramananda Tirtha (Hyderabad). These and several others with mass appeal were responsible for the establishment of Praja Mandals and demanded civil liberties and responsible government in their states. The formation of the All-India States People's Conference in 1927 was also the result of their efforts. The chief objective of all these organisations was to obtain for the people rule of law and democracy and integrate princely states fully with India. These movements led to political consciousness and created a new spirit of unity among the people of the states.
Constitutional Development
You have already read that the British Government had held three Round Table Conferences to break the political deadlock in India, but had failed. Thereafter, the British Prime Minister had announce certain proposals regarding the constitutional reforms in India.The Indians rejected all these proposals as anti-people and anti-democracy. On the contrary, the Indian leaders demanded the setting up of a Constituent Assembly elected on an adult franchise. They declared that they will accept only that constitution which was framed by the Indian Constituent Assembly.
The 1935 Act
However, the Indian political parties were not one as far as their views on the country's future structure of government were concerned.The Muslim League wanted a weak Center and acceptance of its communal demands. The Congress stood for strong Centre and secular polity. The British Government exploited these contradictions in the political views of he Congress and the League. In March 1933, it issued a White paper containing certain proposals regarding the constitutional reforms in India. It also set up a joint Parliamentary Committee to go into the whole constitutional issue. This Committee was to suggest a reform scheme for India. But the scheme it recommended was worse. It was aimed at strengthening the British hold over India and denying the Indians their fundamental political and democratic rights.
Naturally, the Indian criticised the scheme as recommended by this Committee. They demanded a constitution that could empower them to shape and control fully their political and economic future. But the British Government did not care for the Indian sentiments. Instead, it passed and Act, called the Government of India Act of 1935. The Act came into force on 1st April 1937 and it was basically based on the schemes the Indian leadership had already rejected. This shows how indifferent the British Government was to the Indian needs.
False Claims
The British Government asserted that the 1935 Act was a great step forward as far as the empowerment of the Indians was concerned. For instance, it said that the Act provided for provincial autonomy and federalisation of the Indian polity. This was s false claim. The fact was that the 1935 Act, like the earlier Acts, invested the provincial governors with veto powers in sphers political and economic. They could override the majority or views of the elected assemblies and implement their own ideas aimed at promoting the British interests. On the contrary, the elected assemblies were unreal and ineffective for all practical purposes. They were so weak that they could not formulate policies according to the needs of the people. The ministers could give advice, but their views could be rejected. In addition, the governors could take over the administration of provinces under Section 93 of the 1935 Act.
Similarly, the scheme of federation as laid down by the Act was the negation of the very idea of federation . While the British India had no choice but to become part of the proposed federation, the princely states had the option to join or not to join it. Moreover, the whole scheme had been worked out to play the princes against the democratic forces in British India and harm the freedom struggle.
It was under these circumstances that the Congress and the League rejected outright the 1935 Act. Significantly, however, both the parties contested the 1937 elections to the provincial assemblies held under this Act. The Congress made it clear in the beginning that it was contesting elections not to seek power or office. It declared that its sole aim was to obtain a popular mandate against what Jawaharlal Nehru had described as "a charter of slavery". In other words, it stated that it will use the people's mandate to force the British Government to withdraw the 1935 Act. Further, the Federal part of the Constitution never came into effect as the princes did not join it.
Elections, Congress and The League
The Congress won an absolute majority in five of the eleven British Indian Provinces. In four provinces, it emerges as a single largest party. The performance of the Muslim League, which always claimed that it represented the will of the Indian Muslims, was extremely poor . It won only 109 of the 482 seats allotted to the Muslims. Its defeat in the Muslim-majority provinces like North-West Frontier Province,Sind, Bengal and Punjab was even more humiliating. These elections proved that a vast majority of the Muslims was opposed to the Muslim League. These also showed that in the Muslim-majority provinces leaders like Allah Bakash (Sind) , Sikandar Hayat KIhan (Punjab), Fazlul Haq(Bengal),Abdul Gaffar Khan (North-West Frontier province) Sadullah Khan(Assam were the actual Muslim leaders.
The Congress honoured its word given at the time of elections and refused to form ministries in the provinces. Later, however, it formed ministries in nine provinces. It did so after obtaining an assurance from the Governor-General of India that Provincial Governors will not interfere in the day-to-day administration. In Bengal and Punjab, non-Congress ministries functioned. The parties, which formed the governments in these provinces, were the Krishak Praja Party and the Unionist Party, respectively.
Though the Congress ministries failed to introduce radical changes, they did try to improve the life of the people. The Congress governments removed restrictions on the press and permitted peasant organisations and trade unions to function freely. In addition, they enacted agrarian legislation, undertook measures to uplift the depressed classes and promoted education. They also paid attention to village and modern industries.
It is important to note that the Muslim League did not like the formation of the Congress-led ministries. Its basic objection was that the Congress had ignored the Muslim League legislators while forming governments in the provinces. Jinnah found himself in wilderness. His League tried desperately to form a coalition ministry with the Congress in United Provinces. But the Congress conditions were not acceptable to it. This became a turning point for Jinnah, He entered into a secret correspondence with Sir Mohammad Iqbal, a poet, and decided to openly adopt the plank of Muslim separatism. Jinnah called the Muslim League session in 1937 at Lucknow, where he dubbed the Congress rule as the Hindu rule and denounced the Congress as a fascist party. He also dubbed Mahatma Gandhi as a Hindu revivalist. It was at this session that the Muslims were exhorted not to sing Bande Mataram.
True to his words Jinnah unleashed a vigrous propaganda against the Congress governments and levelled wild charges against them. The Muslim League also published a few documents containing details of atrocities allegedly committed by the Hindus on the Muslims and serious charges against the Congress governments. When leading Congress leaders like Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr. Rajendra Prasad challenged Jinnah and his Muslim League to prove their charges, they did not come forward. Instead, Jinnah declared that he was convinced that the Muslims could neither expect justice nor fair play under the Hindu-dominated Congress governments. He also started preaching two-nation theory with renewed vigour. His whole objective was to inflame communal feelings among the Muslims and prepare the ground for separation.
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